James O’Shea

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James O’Shea
James O’Shea
James O’Shea is an award-winning American journalist and author. He is the past editor-in-chief of The Los Angeles Times, former managing editor of the Chicago Tribune, and chairman of the Middle East Broadcasting Networks. He is the author of three books, including The Deal from Hell, a compelling narrative about the collapse of the American newspaper industry. He holds a master’s degree in journalism from the University of Missouri.
James O’Shea- Eagle Intelligence Reports
James O’Shea

James O’Shea is an award-winning American journalist and author. He is the past editor-in-chief of The Los Angeles Times, former managing editor of the Chicago Tribune, and chairman of the Middle East Broadcasting Networks. He is the author of three books, including The Deal from Hell, a compelling narrative about the collapse of the American newspaper industry. He holds a master’s degree in journalism from the University of Missouri.

The 2026 World Cup will bring the global game to three North American hosts: the U.S., Canada, and Mexico. In the U.S., it will arrive when the very meaning of hosting has become contested. In the background, another infrastructure is being prepared: the immigration and security apparatus that determines who enters the U.S.

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On February 14, 2026, at the Munich Security Conference, Canadian Defense Minister David McGuinty signed a document no non-European nation had signed before. The agreement allowed Canada to join the EU’s Security Action for Europe (SAFE) program, a $175 billion defense procurement initiative central to Europe’s rearmament plans.

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There will be no Suez. No Saigon. No single humiliating frame for historians to seize upon. America’s retreat from Africa—a continent of 1.5 billion people and the minerals that power everything Washington claims to covet—is happening quietly. Troops are drawn down, aid is slashed, and diplomats are recalled to no fanfare.

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The Constitution is clear: Congress declares war. Period. That is the way the Founding Fathers wrote it. They set the line in the founding document. On Friday, a sixty-day War Powers clock ran out of time on Operation Epic Fury. The war had been declared over on paper. The ships, aircraft and threat framework remained.

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Nothing angers American voters more than rising gasoline prices. They are not only an economic burden but the most direct channel through which the costs of the war with Iran are passed to the American voter. Even with talk of a breakthrough in negotiations with Iran, that relief is not something voters feel right away.

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There’s an old saying in American military circles: Do not change horses in the middle of the stream. The axiom reflects some hard-learned lessons about what can go wrong when a country subordinates military prowess to backroom politics in selecting commanders during a war.

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President Trump’s decision to go to war with Iran has exposed a fundamental strategic contradiction: the U.S. has reinforced its dependence on fossil fuels while simultaneously triggering a conflict in the world’s most critical energy chokepoint, the Strait of Hormuz, without a credible plan to manage the consequences.

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The bombs are falling on Tehran, Natanz, and Fordow. Missiles threaten oil tankers trying to navigate the Hormuz Strait. The headlines tout US and Israel’s deadly sorties and missile attacks while Iran retaliates. But when the dust settles, the country likely to win the war will be one that has not joined the fight: China.

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On the morning of February 28, 2026, America went to war. Not in the way it has gone to war in the modern era—with congressional authorization, lengthy intelligence briefings, and months of public debate—but with an eight-minute video posted on Truth Social. Bombs fell on Iran before most Americans had finished their morning coffee.

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The Supreme Court’s landmark ruling striking down President Trump’s tariffs goes beyond dismantling a central pillar of the administration’s trade policy. It also significantly constrains the executive branch’s ability to impose tariffs unilaterally, shifts authority in tariff decision-making back to Congress and alters the strategic calculus of U.S. economic statecraft.

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