Richard Weitz

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Richard Weitz
Richard Weitz
Richard Weitz is Senior Fellow and Director of the Center for Political-Military Analysis at Hudson Institute. His current research focuses on Russia-China-U.S. relations along with other international security challenges. He is a graduate of Harvard University, Oxford University and the LSE. Before joining Hudson in 2005, Weitz worked for several other academic and professional research institutions and the U.S. Department of Defense. He has authored or edited several books, multiple reports, and many articles.

Intensified competition and distrust among the great powers—manifested in regional wars and a stalled arms control environment—have increased the possibility of renewed nuclear testing. There are indications that China, Russia, or the US might resume yield-producing tests of nuclear weapons—or have already done so—despite the collective self-imposed moratorium on such tests.

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The last Russian–U.S. nuclear arms control treaty, New START, has expired. For the first time in decades, there are no legally binding ceilings on the great powers’ nuclear arsenals. This development marks a collapse of the nuclear arms control architecture. Moreover, the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists recently moved the Doomsday Clock’s dials closer to midnight.

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The recent upsurge in violence between the Syria government and Kurdish minority forces has confirmed the consolidation of a fundamentally transformed U.S. strategy toward the country. In Trump’s second term, the administration has prioritized counterterrorism, economic engagement, and the promotion of a strong central government aligned with Washington.

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The world just witnessed another high-intensity, live-fire Chinese military exercise around Taiwan. The dispute over the island represents one of the most serious risks of another great-power war. Even if unsuccessful, a Chinese attack against Taiwan would risk nuclear escalation, global economic shock, and long-term degradation of international relations.

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An unanticipated consequence of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has been the strengthening of ties between Moscow and New Delhi, particularly in the energy domain. The India–Russia axis has been one of the world’s most enduring great-power partnerships.

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The Trump administration has unveiled an ambitious plan to bring peace, prosperity, and renewed US influence to the South Caucasus. Russia’s declining sway in the region, combined with the absence of strong regional structures, has created a strategic vacuum that external powers are eager to fill.

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For the first time in years, Central Asia briefly dominated Washington’s foreign-policy conversations. On November 6, Central Asian leaders met with Donald Trump at the C5 1 Presidential Summit. The gathering did not produce major breakthroughs, but it was remarkable to see all five leaders speaking directly with the United States at that level.

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US President Donald Trump just completed his most significant foreign trip of the year. His week-long sojourn in Asia provided opportunities to augment ties with new allied leaders, underscore the enduring US regional presence to wavering partners, and manage tensions while reinforcing deterrence against China.

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US President Donald Trump’s demand for the United States to regain control of Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan has provoked strong regional opposition. Though not without strategic logic, major obstacles preclude such a restoration in the near term. The United States could more productively pursue cooperation on less provocative security issues.

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US President Donald Trump’s unprecedented security assurances to Qatar helped pave the way for the recent Gaza ceasefire agreement. Along with other measures, they reassured Arab leaders about the value of their partnership with the US. Offering these kinds of supplementary assurances could help Washington retain support among more allies who might seek alternative alignments.

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